Monthly Archive for May, 2010

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On Banning the Veil

I am not completely sure of my position on the French government’s desire to ban the wearing of the veil or burqa in public places. But I disagree with much in Christopher Hitchens’ Slate column today, in which he offers a full-throated defense of the ban. His opening salvo:

To the contrary, [French authorities] are attempting to lift a ban: a ban on the right of women to choose their own dress, a ban on the right of women to disagree with male and clerical authority, and a ban on the right of all citizens to look one another in the face.

So this argument rests completely on the idea that women could never choose, of their own volition, to don a full veil or a burqa. Now "own volition" is a tricky thing to discern when there might be various levels of social pressure to conform. But while the clothings’ origins surely stem from a clerical and patriarchical system of repression and control and sexual pathology, the persistence of the practice in Western societies or in more secular Muslim countries like Turkey makes it close to impossible to decide by what inscrutable process women choose to dress the way they do.

The NYT article on the ban makes this point:

Fewer than 2,000 women in France wear a version of the full veil, and many of them are French women who have converted to Islam. The full veil is seen here as a sign of a more fundamentalist Islam, known as Salafism, which the government is trying to undercut. On the left, the veil is seen as repressive and a violation of women’s rights, even though many women who wear the veil insist that they are doing it as a free choice and see a ban as a restriction of their liberty.

First of all, France has 62 million people, which makes the existence of 2,000 veiled women not exactly a social catastrophe. Though if you think that the presence of a veil is prima facie evidence of violent coercion and abuse, then yes, the number of such injustices doesn’t matter; one is too many. Hitchens notes that in some Muslim countries the threat of honor killings or brutal beatings—and the knowledge that authorities are likely to look the other way—keep many women toeing the line. This is clearly awful in every way. But physical intimidation and domestic abuse are already against the law in France, and I dare say the authorities there do not look the other way so various religious groups can carry out their depraved version of biblical morality.

If you think a veiled women is by definition a victim of domestic abuse, will criminalizing her veil magically turn her home into a paragon of familial bliss and equality? I think not. It seems bizarre to go after the second-order manifestation of the abuse rather than the source of the abuse itself. Criminalizing the behavior of the victim is an awfully perverse way to tackle the problem. 

But that is only if you agree that all these women are unduly coerced. I don’t grant that premise, because how are we to know? Back to that NYT quote above: who is to decide that these French women don’t really mean what they say about it being a free choice? Who is infantilizing whom when we say that these women don’t really know what’s good for them? I know that things like social and religious conformity are powerful motivators and can work on people in various insidious ways even if not explicitly articulated. But how can the State regulate against behavioral conformity? Every day we all act in a million different ways that signal our desire to avoid various social disapprobations. Maybe some of those ways are healthier than others, but that signalling is a complex and thoroughly fundamental social phenomenon. I don’t think I want the State deciding which signals are just too weird to countenance.

I am loathe to give any religious practice special consideration or exemption, or really benefit of the doubt of any kind (don’t get me started on circumcision.) But what is the actual first principle at work here? I don’t think it’s religious exemption. Hitchens seems to think it is this:

My right to see your face is the beginning of it, as is your right to see mine. Next but not least comes the right of women to show their faces, which easily trumps the right of their male relatives or their male imams to decide otherwise.

I have no clue where he gets the idea that he has a "right" to see my face and vice versa. For instance it seems fashionable now for some young women to wear sunglasses that literally obscure three quarters of their face. If they pair it with, say, a baseball cap, I can definitively say that I have no idea what their face looks like and I would have no ability to identify them later if pressed to do so. So Hitch waxing nostalgic for some golden era of physiognomic openness is just silly.

I think the first principle is this: By what right can the State regulate how we dress? As Hitch notes, there are a variety of legitimate security and decency interests that the State can appeal to, and I recognize that each society can draw their specific lines in different places. In some parts of this country we allow public nudity (i.e. beaches), and some parts we don’t. Dress codes or demands of formal attire are ubiquitous. But usually norms are created and enforced through informal social pressure. We choose to dress certain ways in different circumstances because we don’t want to stick out or be objects of group opprobrium. But absent threat of violent reprisal, I don’t know what we can do about such norms. If certain Muslim women identify with a social practice that strongly encourages them to wear bags over their heads, I may readily agree that this doesn’t contribute to their well-being, nor does it foster larger societal cohesion or comity; but I’d be forced to ask myself: what the hell does it matter what I think?

To conclude, if the behavior is coerced under implicit or explicit threat of violence or severe emotional harm, that is already illegal. If the behavior is coerced because women feel a pressure to avoid disfavor in a social/religious group with which they self-identify, that would seem to be a problem for these women and their social group to work out, no matter how distastful or anti-social we find the particular behavior to be. These are grown adults in Western countries; and absent a threat of undue reprisal, the presumption simply has to be that they freely choose their own group identifications, and then proceed to adopt the social norms and practices particular to that group. As long as such norms and practices do not violate the rights of others or interfere with the State’s security function, we just have to deal with it.

Scott Brown Making Hard Choices on Things that Symbolize the Symbols of Federal Spending

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Massachusetts Senator Scott Brown has taken to the Boston Herald to decry excessive federal spending:

I am convinced that one of the reasons Americans have lost faith in their government is because spending is out of control and we are amassing mountains of debt that we can never repay.

Not exactly the boldest proposition, but OK, sure, I am also convinced that federal debt is "one of the reasons."

Since arriving in Washington, one of the hardest things for me to get used to is how casually the words “billion” and “trillion” are thrown around.

I imagine this faux-folksy naivete will soon begin to wear quite thin. You’re not campaigning any longer, Senator. The state you represent in Congress has a GDP of $350 billion. The federal budget that you get to vote on is $3.6 trillion. U.S. GDP, for which a big part of your job is to enact policies that help make it grow, is now over $14 trillion. U.S. national debt is $13 trillion. It doesn’t inspire confidence when you admit that grappling with such big numbers is literally "one of the hardest things" for you get used to. Please, please Sir, start getting used to it.

So then, a serious op-ed about federal spending. Good. Let’s get to it. Which will it be, Senator? Defense spending, entitlements, or both? (I won’t press you now, in your current fragile state of bewilderment over big numbers, on the tax hikes that will be necessary to actually repay the mountain of debt you say we can "never repay." (And please, it’s considered uncouth to tell our creditors, in a public forum, that we can never repay them.))

Few things better symbolize the broken nature of Washington than the process known as “earmarking.”

Oh no. It can’t be. Senator, is this really an entire article about earmark reform? You diagnose the problem as "out of control spending" and "mountains of debt" that you fear we can never repay, and your solution is earmark reform? (Again, to our creditors, please stop reading now). Senator, I know big numbers are not your forte, but how about small numbers: earmarks represents less than one half of one percent of federal spending.  

Brown notes that he supported a one-year moratorium on all Congressional earmarks. Though the moratorium didn’t pass, Brown has decided to abide by it himself. So if earmarks just "symbolize" Washington’s problems (why not tackle the actual problems rather than the things that symbolize the problems?), what does that make a mere one-year moratorium? A symbol of a symbol? This is one postmodern screed.

He goes on to borrow from the John McCain playbook of listing funny-sounding projects that have been funded through the earmark process in recent years, like "nearly $1 million in federal funds to study fruit flies – yes, fruit flies." The key to this tactic is you have to choose really, really terrible, parochial projects so people get your point. For instance I bet most people in Massachusetts know that fruit flies are one of the most important model organisms in the history of science. Saying the federal government kicked in "nearly $1 million" to study them just isn’t that scary. 

The greatest example of earmark-listing failure was when Bobby Jindal, in his career-ending response speech to last year’s State of the Union, denounced "$140 million dollars for something called ‘volcano monitoring!’" I wonder if he thinks Europe spends too much or too little on this crazy thing called volcano monitoring.

Anyway, Brown ends up undermining his entire point by admitting that some earmarks are perfectly legitimate and worthy of federal dollars. So since he is not against earmarks in principle (sort of takes the wind out of the sails of an anti-earmark argument), he spends the rest of his time explaining his intention to "take a tough look at the earmark process."

But what about that out-of-control spending? All those mountains of debt? Nothing. This is very disappointing. Just what we need is another Republican whose greatest contribution to the cause of cutting federal spending is to talk about cutting federal spending. I await his next op-ed on the democracy-destroying effects of "waste, fraud, and abuse," followed by a piece in which he says that he’s sure he heard somewhere that cutting taxes increases government revenues. Creditors, if you’re still reading, I’m really, really sorry.

On Negative Externalities

I think your place on the ideological spectrum is determined in large part by how compelling you find arguments about negative externalities, and if you think government has a crucial role in mitigating them.

Take the BP oil spill. Here’s Lisa Margonelli, director of the New America Foundation’s energy program:

Every gallon of gasoline contains a tremendous amount of risk we don’t account for. The American Lung Association estimated that every gallon of gas costs us 50 cents in the asthma rate for children. You have the greenhouse gas question, leakage, spills, explosion, cancer risk from benzene, economic risk from the volatility of the prices, the military cost, and we do not account for all this. The attempt to put a price on carbon is really a symbolic monetization: It’s just one of the risks, and though it’s very important, at this point, we know oil is a problem in many, many different dimensions.

Kevin Drum adds:

If you were to sum up the cost of IQ losses from leaded gasoline (now gone, of course, but the effects live on), the asthma epidemic among today’s kids, military protection of the Middle East, global warming, garden variety smog, plus all the more prosaic things like traffic jams and so forth, I wouldn’t be surprised if the real cost of a gallon of gasoline would have to go up by three or four dollars to pay for it all.

Jon Chait concludes:

If all these costs were paid at the point of sale, people would switch to other energy sources. But the costs of environmental cleanup and foreign policy stress are born mostly by the government, and the costs of carbon emissions are born mostly by future generations. So it’s rational for us to have internal-combustion engines — we can largely free-ride on somebody else’s subsidy.

Ignoring externalized cost is a market distortion, and our decision to keep shielding consumers from these costs is not an example of the triumph of free enterprise and small government, but rather it’s big government action by another name.

If I have drifted to the left over the last few years on many policy questions, it is because the more I read the more it seems that we do grievous harm by not accounting for these negative externalities, and the injustice that it engenders is not at all trivial. And I think the story of social and political science over the past few decades is the story of discovering more of these externalities where we thought there were less or none at all. This extends to the social and economic costs embedded in a wide range of public policy issues: income inequality, crime, health, and disparities in opportunity due to membership in various disfavored group identifications. Conservatives used to lead the way in reminding us of the dangers of unintended consequences. But modern Republicans’ dogmatic insistence on equating any government action with loss of liberty is myopic and facile. It refuses, again and again, to reckon with the unintended consequences of government inaction, and it fails to acknowledge that the injustice wrought by this inaction is itself an attack on liberty.

"Terrorists are Criminals, and the Great Majority of Criminals are Prosaic"

Maybe you’re a bit morbid and are wondering, in the wake of the failed Times Square bombing: Why don’t we see more low-level terrorist attacks like this, aimed at the many soft targets in this country? These things seem quite easy, if not to pull off successfully, then at least to attempt. And we can all think of a handful of grizzly ways to hurt a rather large number of innocent people, and most not involving such crudities as strapping a bomb to our genitalia and hoping for the best.

Megan McArdle notes that her nightmare is "shopping malls and sporting events," but terrorists just don’t seem interested in such easy, indefensible targets. Why? Megan:

The best answer I’ve heard is that they don’t because it doesn’t actually serve their ends.  Their purpose is only partly to instill public terror in Americans.  They also need to raise money, and recruit more terrorists.  Those people don’t want to hear that you really scared the hell out of Plano, Texas.  They want to hear that you bombed Times Square.  Their target market, in other words, is not just Americans; it’s the folks at home. […]

Thank God for small favors.  If all they really cared about was terrorising us, we’d be terrified, because they’d be mounting the kind of undetectable, untraceable attacks that can kill hundreds, a few at a time.  Instead, they’re still trying to top 9/11 and Oklahoma City.

I think there’s definitely some truth to these tactical explanations. But I prefer the structural explanation: there is simply a very, very small number of competent, radical al-Qaeda sympathizers in this country, and it’s exceedingly hard for outside terrorist groups to bring personnel or equipment into the country. There is no community or constituency in America in which a would-be attacker could hope to blend in and find comfort and shelter for very long. Unlike European Muslims, American Muslims are much better educated and wealthier than the average American, and, also unlike Europe, the U.S. has been welcoming and assimilating large numbers of Arabs for over a century. (Tim Noah at Slate wrote a series of articles last year exploring these and other reasons for the dearth of successful attacks since 9/11.)

What this all means is just what we’ve seen thus far: Most attacks in this country will be engaged in by complete mediocrities, and most will fail spectacularly. The trick is for us to become emboldened by these failures, rather than take them as terrifying evidence of our vulnerability.  

Steve Coll has a simple formulation regarding the Times Square incident:

Fortunately, like one of those Eleven O’clock News bank robbers who tries to rob an A.T.M., only to topple it over on himself, Shahzad’s case may help to illuminate a truth larger than himself: Terrorists are criminals, and the great majority of criminals are prosaic.

A foreign terrorist group triumphantly taking "credit" for a failed attack deserves nothing more than our derision and scorn. Would that our media and political class lead the way on this, rather than scare the hell out of us with a parade of what-ifs.

Comic Book Villain Syndrome

This Politico article is hilarious because it shows the National Security Superfriends—Joe Lieberman, John McCain, Peter King—at their awkward best, trying to square their passion for the ideals of American liberty with their seething contempt for the American tradition of rule of law. The case of Faisal Shahzad, the failed Times Square car bomber, is bringing out the best in them.

I’ve discussed the buffoonish hackery of Congressman Peter King before. But watch him work out his demons:

New York Rep. Peter King, the top Republican on the House Homeland Security Committee, wants to know whether the Justice Department consulted with the intelligence community before it decided to hold his trial in civilian court. "I hope that Holder did discuss this with the intelligence community. If they believe they got enough from him, how much more should they get? Did they Mirandize him? I know he’s an American citizen, but still," King told POLITICO.

I know Congressman, this bullshit citizenship thing really complicates things! His "but still" is just priceless. That "but still" is King’s adolescent frustration at the realization that he can’t just ship the guy to Gitmo even though he really, really, really wants to.

John McCain doesn’t have King’s even miniscule level of reservation. McCain called it a "serious mistake" to read Shahzad his rights. "I certainly would not read this individual his Miranda rights. I would not do that," he said.

Unlike McCain, who just wants to ignore the constitutional protections of citizenship, Joe Lieberman has another answer:

Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.) thinks he’s found a work-around on the whole Miranda rights debate for U.S. citizens accused of terrorism: Strip their citizenship and ship them to Guantanamo.

Yep, he’s putting together the legislation now. Matt Yglesias notes the obvious problem: how can the mere accusation of terrorism trigger the revoking of citizenship? How are we to know an American citizen is a terrorist unless we Mirandize him, charge him, and find him guilty in a court of law? Stripping him of his judicial rights before he is able to avail himself of them seems rather abhorrent. Who then decides who’s a terrorist? Joe Lieberman? Barack Obama? I know it’s quaint to point this out, but even Faisal Shahzad is still just a criminal suspect. I’m sorry Superfriends, that’s just how it works. If you want accusation of wrongdoing to be prima facie proof of guilt, you’ll just have to move to Belarus or Syria or somewhere.

See, their problem with Miranda is not that it simply informs a terror suspect of their constitutional rights, but that it is a concession that the suspect has constitutional rights to begin with.

There is another problem here. Lieberman’s bill will only strip the citizenship of an American accused of involvement in a foreign terrorist organization. So that would leave intact the citizenship of someone like Timothy McVeigh, an anti-government militia member, avowed enemy of the United States, and terrorist murderer of 168 people. What’s the Liebermanian principle that makes such a clear moral distinction between McVeigh and Shahzad? I have my suspicions on why one guy seems to many to be way more of a bad guy than the other.

And why stop at people who murder due to a political agenda? What about people who just murder for the hell of it? Megan McArdle puts it well:

Can someone explain to me–hopefully using graphs, and small words–why Joe Lieberman is willing to share the precious blessing of American citizenship with Charles Manson, Gary Ridgeway, and David Berkowitz, but wants citizenship stripped from a guy who strapped some firecrackers to a bag of non-explosive fertilizer?

5-1What is the instinct that gives such a special place in the hierarchy of evil to guys who seem to have gleaned their criminal tradecraft from Wile E. Coyote? I’m serious. Why do our leaders insist on elevating these assholes to the level of comic book villains? I know Magneto can escape from a supermax prison, but KSM can’t. I know trying to read Miranda rights to Doctor Octopus (pictured right) might be a tricky thing for a whole host of reasons, but Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab? Please.

I think the usual process by which we dehumanize foreign-looking people is in this case transforming them into something more than human, and it’s really not helping us deal with the problem. 

Arizonans Got Duped

Advocates of the Arizona anti-immigration law have a few favored canards they like to use to explain the dire need for tough action. A particularly compelling-sounding one is that after decades of unmitigated illegal immigration, Arizona’s border towns are now lawless enclaves, ruled by roving Mexican drug gangs who rape and murder and scorch the earth behind them, led by sociopathic maniacs in the mold of Javier Bardem’s character in No Country For Old Men. Something has to be done! Drug violence is destroying the Southwest!

Arizone Governor Jan Brewer used “border-related violence and crime due to illegal immigration” as a key pretext for signing the new anti-immigration legislation. John McCain—who really doesn’t deserve to be quoted anymore since becoming gleefully untethered from both principle and personal integrity—said the border violence is “the worst I have ever seen.” Congressional members from Arizona asked President Obama to send National Guard soldiers to the border because “violence in the vicinity of the U.S. Mexico border continues to increase at an alarming rate.”

But as Eugene Robinson notes in the Post today, the problem is that none of this is really true. To wit:

The assistant police chief of Nogales, Roy Bermudez, told the Arizona Republic, “We have not, thank God, witnessed any spillover violence from Mexico. You can look at the crime stats…”

It’s true: crime rates in the border towns “have remained essentially flat for the past decade.” A police spokesman in Yuma said that he “cannot recall any significant cartel violence in the past several years.” The sheriff of Pima County said that the fear of violent crime on the border is “a media-created event. I hear politicians on TV saying the border has gotten worse. Well, the fact of the matter is that the border has never been more secure.”

As Jamelle Bouie notes over at Spencer Ackerman’s place, if there is violent crime on the border, it’s got nothing to do with labor migration and everything to do with the illegal drug trade, which is, of course, propelled by Americans’ insatiable demand for illegal drugs, not to mention the ongoing failure and relentless embarassment known as the U.S. War on Drugs. And it’s useful to remember that, according to Tuscon’s police chief, whatever drug-related crime he sees is mostly perpetuated by American citizens. It is just a nativist wet dream to think that the central problem here is human beings wanting to contract out their labor in exchange for money.

Will Wilkinson makes the libertarian case that the best way to get around the problem of unlawful immigration is “to bring what is lawful in line with what is right”:

The free exercise of rights to travel and work tend to leave those involved better off, whether or not those rights are recognized by law. The most important point here is not that it’s inevitable that people will seek out this kind of peaceful cooperation, and so it’s futile to try to stop them, but that it’s right and good that people do so.

To the extent such efforts work, ramping up enforcement of anti-immigration laws amounts to an increase in the use of official violence to prevent relationships of mutual advantage. On the face of it, it’s just morally wrong to try to do that.

I don’t imagine that what went on in the Arizona legislature last week had much to do with rational calculations of moral right. Pity that fear mobilizes public policy so much more effectively.

Arizona Welcomes You, Depending on Your Definiton of "Welcomes" and "You"

Via Jon Chait at the New Republic, I see that the Governor of Arizona has signed several changes into the immigration law passed last week, in an attempt to address the concerns of the law’s opponents.

One change to the bill strengthens restrictions against using race or ethnicity as the basis for questioning and inserts those same restrictions in other parts of the law.

"These new statements make it crystal clear and undeniable that racial profiling is illegal, and will not be tolerated in Arizona," she said in a statement.

Changes to the bill language will actually remove the word "solely" from the sentence, "The attorney general or county attorney shall not investigate complaints that are based solely on race, color or national origin."

Another change replaces the phrase "lawful contact" with "lawful stop, detention or arrest" to apparently clarify that officers don’t need to question a victim or witness about their legal status.

As Chait notes, this does make things somewhat less bad, but they’re still bad. And they seem to even further buttess my conclusion last week that the law will either go unenforced, or else will be enforced capriciously and in a manner guaranteed to invite a parade of civil rights litigation.

Even though the problematic and ambiguous "lawful contact" provision is gone, it still leaves room for an aggressive cop to find any minor pretext for stopping or detaining someone whose immigration status the cop has deemed "suspicious". And that of course leads us to a new problem. Which psychic powers will police draw upon to determine who has a secretly suspicious immigration status? As Steve Chapman at Reason says:

But—aside from instances of guys hiding in trunks—what does that mean if it doesn’t mean checking anyone who looks or sounds Latino? Illegal immigrants don’t normally wear shirts that say "Fence Jumpers Local 302."

Even Arizona Governor Jan Brewer has no idea how cops are supposed to know when someone should be screened. "I don’t know," she replied. "I do not know what an illegal immigrant looks like."

Megan McArdle argues that the real issue here is that the people who support this law do so in large part because they know they will remain blissfully immune from any of its provisions or consequences. She notes, "majorities are usually markedly less concerned with the infringements of liberty that they expect will only happen to other people"; in this case, "people who are poorer and darker-skinned and probably speak with funny accents, anyway."

But that’s why we shouldn’t have laws that enshrine any sort of profiling. If the immigration problems in Arizona are really so serious that they merit deep intrusions upon the liberty of citizens who happen to resemble illegal immigrants, than they are serious enough to intrude on the liberty of everyone. Don’t make the cops check the status of anyone who they "reasonably suspect" is illegal; make them check the status of everyone, no matter how blond-haired, blue-eyes, and fluent in standard American english they may be. If you forget your license at home, the police detain you, just like they detain anyone of mexican descent, while someone fetches it. If you can’t produce a birth certificate, passport, or similar, then you wait in the pokey until they can verify your legal status. No police discretion. No profiling.

As Megan says, do you think that law would have passed the Arizona legislature? Do you think George Will would describe such a law as a "worthwhile experiment in federalism"? If a law like that was the price of dealing with this problem, I think we’d see a whole lot more people deciding that the problem wasn’t as severe as they previously thought.

Since the law now explicitly forbids racial profiling, maybe you think police officers in Arizona will rely on a host of subtle behavioral cues to distinguish native citizens from legal permanent residents from student visa holders from illegal immigrants. There is an obvious analogy here to anti-terrorism screening at airports. Racial profiling is illegal there too (and impracticable: after all, the NYPD is now looking for a white man in his forties for questioning related to the attempted car bombing in Times Square). TSA now has their Behavioral Detection Officer Program in 161 American airports. These officers are specifically trained to look for people exhibiting signs of stress, fear, or deception, and visually screen travelers for "involuntary physical and physiological reactions that people exhibit in response to a fear of being discovered." The problem I see with translating this approach to Arizona’s illegal immigrant scavenger hunt is that the law itself will elicit in all hispanics an elevated sense of stress and fear. At best this law seems likely to engender a deep distrust and growing enmity between law enforcement and those who happen to belong to an entire class now deemed suspect.

I sincerely don’t know the answer to this problem. Megan McArdle thinks that we should be looking for more enforcement in areas that are already regulated pretty heavily, like employment and landlord-tenant relations. But I have a big problem with outsourcing the burdens and responsibilities of law enforcement to private entities like that. It’s indicative of the federal government’s ongoing failure to address this problem that they prefer to devolve their enforcement responsibility to private individuals. It’s not your employer’s job to play immigration cop, nor do I like the idea of an employer being empowered to do so.

I guess I see this in general as a need to differentiate law-abiding economic migrants from people who want to come here to be criminals. Matt Yglesias suggests that one way to do that would be to greatly increase the number of people who can come to the country through legitimate means, leaving a greater proportion of the illegal border crossings to people who want to engage in criminal behavior. Sounds good, who knows. Maybe we can think of other ways to do it. But passing laws that have the effect of collectively stigmatizing an entire minority population—a population whose demographic representation in this country grows every single day—seems to be that rare perfect storm of terrible politics and terrible policy.